Research into people’s experiences of growing older without children

Executive Summary

Introduction

1. The Older People’s Commissioner for Wales commissioned Miller Research in January 2025 to undertake a literature review on older people without children. The number of older adults without children in the UK is rising, with projections suggesting an increase from 1.2 million (aged 65+) in 2025 to 2 million by 2030, and a tripling of those over 80 without children by 2045.[1] As a result, it is useful to consider the unique set of needs of this large demographic of individuals in the context of existing literature.

Project Overview

1. The review defines older people without children broadly and includes those who cannot depend on their children for support due to factors like estrangement, or circumstances. The research used a desk-based approach, creating a literature matrix in Excel to categorise themes such as policy, best practices, and challenges. A ‘snowballing approach’ identified 65 relevant sources, which were analysed using mind-mapping software to structure the report thematically.

Findings

• Existing research on ageing without children (AWOC) primarily highlights challenges such as loneliness, social isolation, and declining health due to the lack of informal family caregivers. However, studies rarely explore the benefits of AWOC, such as greater independence, financial security, and diverse social networks. More balanced research is needed to examine both strengths and difficulties.
• Many AWOC individuals compensate for the absence of family by fostering strong social connections with friends, neighbours, and community organisations. While these networks can provide meaningful support, their effectiveness varies across cultural contexts, with family-oriented societies presenting greater challenges.
• Policy and legislation fail to address the unique needs of AWOC individuals, as ageing policies generally do not differentiate between those with and without family support. Targeted interventions, such as alternative care models and sustainable community support networks, are urgently needed.
• Key research gaps include a lack of distinction between voluntary and involuntary childlessness, limited methodological tools, and a geographic focus on China, Asia, and Europe. More research is needed to identify effective policies across different cultural contexts.

Recommendations

• A comprehensive approach is needed to support older adults without children, combining policy reform, research, and community-driven initiatives. Key recommendations include:

Policy and Legislative Action:

• AWOC-specific policies: Integrate AWOC considerations into national ageing strategies to address a potential lack of familial support.
• Increase social care funding: Invest in community-based support services such as befriending schemes and innovative care models.
• Strengthen legal protections: Ensure clear legal pathways for decision-making in care, finances, and end-of-life planning for AWOC individuals.

Public Awareness and Cultural Change:

• Support for AWOC employees: Employers should provide flexible retirement and caregiving policies to include those who are not family.
• Promote AWOC recognition: Campaigns should highlight AWOC issues in policy discussions, focusing on independence and alternative social networks.

Research and Evidence-Based Interventions:

• Limited existing data: the lack of disaggregated data for Wales highlights the need for further research.
• Study effective support models: Evaluate successful AWOC interventions across different cultural and policy contexts.

Community and Social Support:

• Develop alternative support models: Promote community-led initiatives like befriending programmes and peer support groups.
• Enhance housing options: Support age-friendly housing, co-housing, and intergenerational living to promote autonomy and social connection.
• Addressing AWOC requires policy and societal shifts, investing in inclusive frameworks to ensure dignity, security, and social connection as people age.

Introduction

• • In January 2025, the Older People’s Commissioner for Wales commissioned Miller Research to undertake a review of literature focused on older people without children.
  • The number of older adults without children in the UK is increasing, with projections suggesting a rise from 1.2 million individuals over 65 in the UK to 2 million by 2030.[2] This trend is expected to accelerate, and the Office for National Statistics (ONS) anticipates that by 2045 there will be three times as many people over 80 who do not have children.[3] This is set against the wider context that 30% of people over 65 without children expect to have to use formal care services compared to 22% of those with children,[4] and the fact that adult children are the most common providers of unpaid social care to their parents at older ages when care needs are greatest.[5]
  • For the purposes of this literature review, the definition of older adults without children includes those who cannot consistently rely on support from their adult children who are – typically – the most common source of help in later life.[6] This cohort encompasses adults who may have had children but have been predeceased, people who have no children at all through infertility, choice or circumstance, and those who are estranged or have children who are unable to offer any help or support due to distance or circumstance.[7] In the broadest sense, this research considers older people without children to include those who live without support from their own children.

Methodology

• This literature review necessitated the creation of a literature matrix, which provided a framework for the identification and categorisation of relevant themes to extract from each source. An Excel spreadsheet was formed with separate tabs for each of the themes. This included policy and legislation, research and trends, best practice, challenges, benefits and evidence of ‘what works’. Following this, 65 literature sources were identified by adopting a ‘snowballing approach’, where the reference list of primary literature sources were reviewed to identify other relevant documentation. These literature sources were analysed using the mind-mapping software Miro, providing a thematic structure for the report.

Report structure

This report is structured as follows:

• Section 2 is focused on the context relating to the available literature, including demographic trends, the variety of experiences of AWOC and societal and structural factors.
• Section 3 explores support networks, including community care, coping strategies and independence, psychological wellbeing and social networks and combating social isolation and loneliness.
• Section 4 presents the policy and legal frameworks underpinning support available for older adults without children, including sustainable development and equality, financial and legal planning, poverty reduction, ageism and human rights and workforce training and awareness.
• Section 5 focuses on care needs for AWOC, including policy implications, person-centred care, innovative and adaptive care approaches, and alternative care models.
• Section 6 presents conclusions and recommendations from the literature review.

Context

Demographic Trends

• In recent decades, the numbers of older adults without children have been increasing rapidly in most European countries. At the forefront of this development are Germany, Switzerland and Austria where more than 20% of the women who are now reaching the end of their reproductive period will remain without children. Eastern and Southern Europe did not have high levels of older adults without children a decade ago, but are now seeing steady increases.[8] In terms of provision of care, in welfare states with strong social services, formal support compensates, whereas in contrast, older adults without children may experience gaps in necessary care in countries with weaker welfare systems.[9] Studies show similar trends, with older adults without children often relying more on formal care systems, particularly in countries with weaker social services.[10]
• Several literature sources cite the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE). This is a multidisciplinary and cross-national panel database of microdata on health, socio-economic status and social and family networks, which aims to understand the implications of demographic ageing in Europe by collecting data from individuals aged 50 and over across various European countries. The survey provides valuable insights for researchers and policymakers into the ageing process, retirement, and the interrelations between health, economic, and social factors.[11]
• Historically, in many European countries in the 19^th and early 20^th centuries, 20% or more of women remained without children.[12] A relatively high age at marriage was typical for the western European family system, in which young adults left the parental household to work as servants and maids in the households of their employers. During that time, they were obliged to remain single and without children. High numbers of women without children in the 1920s are also attributed to the social and economic upheavals that followed the Great Depression as well as the heavily distorted sex ratios caused by World War II.[13] The marriage and fertility rates during the 1950s and the early 1960s is commonly explained by Kreyenfeld and Konietzka (2017) as a ‘revival of traditional family values after wartime’,[14] resulting in 9% of those born in the 1940s not having children.[15] However, 20% of those born in the 1960s do not have children, and this cohort will have longer life expectancy, leading to a high number of women who will be AWOC at age 80 in the 2040s.
• In addition, a recent ONS projection has concluded that the age at which women are having children is increasing. For women born in 1951, the average age they would have a child was at age 26. This increased to an average age of 31 for women born in 1978, and is projected to be age 35 for those born in 2007 and age 36 for those born in 2025.[16] The ONS said the trend may be driven by “financial pressures and the timing of other life events such as partnership formation and moving into your own home generally happening later”,[17] and also can be linked to an increase in the number of older adults without children.

Rethinking ‘Childlessness’

• The experiences of older adults without children are diverse and should not be rigidly categorised. Cultural, historical, and gendered expectations shape how older adults without children are perceived as well as their individual experiences. Using the ‘normal’ parental life-course as a point of reference as cited by Allen and Wiles (2013) is consistent with much of the literature in this space. This study explores how this ‘norm’, is problematic, and instead should be seen of little relevance, where having or not having children is ‘just one of a range of options not taken up’.[18] Kreyenfeld and Konietzka (2017) also explore a perception that a single individual ‘unhindered by family commitments is the winner in the race for the greatest career and material success in life’.[19] The ability of current generations to “choose” whether to have children is seen by Kreyenfeld and Konietzka (2017) to be an achievement of post-modern life-course conditions.[20]
• Several terms are popular in this sphere of literature: those who are ‘childfree’, ‘childless’, and those who are ‘voluntarily’ or ‘involuntarily’ without children. These terms are sometimes seen as problematic due to their connotations. The label ‘childless’ is seen as an inaccurate description; Kreyenfeld and Konietzka (2017) explain how this includes the feminist debate where efforts have been made to eliminate this term and to replace it with the term ‘childfree’.[21] According to these scholars, the term “childless” has negative connotations because the suffix “less” implies that “something is lacking, deprived, unfortunate”; whereas the term “childfree” implies that childlessness is a deliberate choice to not have children. McDonough and Davitt (2011) explores how some individuals also do not see themselves as ‘childless’ as they see having godchildren, being a step-parent and meaningful involvement in family members’ and friends’ children’s lives as being meaningful.[22]
• A USA-based study by Xu et al. (2022) examined various definitions of ‘childlessness’ in the context of complex family structures, which varied between 9.2% and 13.6%, depending on the definition applied. In this study, the associations between certain individual characteristics, such as gender and marital status, and the likelihood of being ‘childless’, as well as the relationship between ‘childlessness’ and social support, differed based on the definition used.[23] The study underscores the importance of carefully considering how adults without children are defined in research.

Societal and Structural Factors

• The numbers of people ageing without children has been increasing since the 1960s for a variety of reasons. This includes structural changes in society, such as more women in higher education and the workforce and where female staff members are no longer expected to leave full time work upon marriage and when pregnant.[24] However, a lack of secure employment has led many young adults to postpone marriage and parenthood as while young women now almost universally expect to be employed throughout their life, family policies and employers have only partly adjusted to these aspirations. This forces some women to make difficult choices between having a career and being a parent.[25]
• The ONS (2020) explore how evolving attitudes towards marriage and family structures provide women with more autonomy over reproductive choices, reducing societal pressure to have children.[26] Other factors include widespread access to contraception, more people moving away from where they grew up to pursue education or job opportunities, family breakdown and estrangement, and longer life spans meaning that it is becoming more common for people to outlive their children. Finally, economic instability and the rising costs associated with raising children and those who have chosen not to have children for climate-related reasons have also contributed to the growing number of older adults without children.[27]
• Penning et al. (2022) position AWOC as a set of positives, alongside a set of negatives.[28] The positives include how it is ‘natural’ to not want children, can be something that runs in families, and is a matter of discernment as having children is only an option if appropriate conditions are met. Not having children can also be actively chosen to prevent harm (including family violence and to stop the overpopulation of the planet), and as a result of being a survivor of trauma. On the other hand, the source explores potential negative framing, including being seen as a ‘missed opportunity’, as a fate to be accepted (such as infertility, loneliness, late-life marriage), as a matter of some grief, and as a cohort effect (such as being widowed or for health reasons).[29]
• Beaujouan and Berghammer (2019) also explore the gap between lifetime fertility intentions and completed fertility in 19 European countries and the USA, concluding that women generally have fewer children than intended, and unintendedly being without children at an older age is more common than expected.[30] The study found that larger fertility gaps are influenced by career demands and social policies, and there are regional variations where the largest gaps are in Southern and German-speaking European countries, while Central and Eastern European countries have the smallest gaps. Contextual factors such as work-family policies, economic conditions, and cultural norms shape fertility outcomes, which result in policy implications: better work-family policies, economic stability, and childcare support. This is explored further in Section 4.
• Whilst the proportion of older adults without children is increasing, Gonen et al. (2024) discuss how there are still strong taboos associated with ‘deviating from the prevailing social norm’.[31] This has also been explored by the National Care Forum (2021), who represent not-for-profit social care and support providers in England, explaining that assumptions and judgements are made about life choices. The National Care Forum sees that these individuals can feel invisible, marginalised, ignored in discussions on ageing and lacking a place in a family-orientated society.[32] Furthermore, the National Care Forum explores how older adults without children can feel disconnected from younger generations and can fear that their stories will go unheard, especially if they develop dementia in later life. This can then feed into worries about how these older adults without children will be treated in care settings, with the study concluding that it is as important to tackle these feelings of exclusion and prejudice as it is to solve the practical problems of support and care.[33]
• In addition to these general feelings, it is important to note that older adults without children represent a very diverse group of people. Some marginalised groups are more likely to be AWOC. For example, the National Care Forum (2021) cite an estimated 90% of LGBTQ+ people are AWOC, and approximately 85% of people with disabilities will not have children.[34] Hadley (2021) also demonstrates how the experiences of men ageing without children are often very different to those of women.[35] This diverse group of people is explored to some extent in the literature.
• The ONS (2020) also identifies differences in rates of older adults without children, which may also play a part in the social care patterns observed. There are lower rates of older adults without children amongst the current population of Black, Asian and minority ethnic people aged 65 years and over (9%) than older White people (15%), and lower rates for those aged 65 years and over from manual and routine occupations (9%) than for intermediate (11%) and managerial and professional (13%).[36]
• McDonough and Davitt (2011) used positioning theory to highlight the multiple and contingent positions that older people themselves occupy in relation to being without children.[37] They concluded that a simple parent/nonparent classification says little about the experiences involved in such states, or the health or social outcome to be expected. They also found the distinction between voluntary and nonvoluntary was also inadequate. As a result, this study deliberately includes many descriptive accounts to highlight the underreported diversity of this group of individuals’ experiences.

Support Networks

Support Networks and Community Care

• Older adults without children have the opportunity to build rich, diverse support networks that extend beyond traditional family structures. The absence of immediate family members encourages stronger connections with friends, neighbours, and community organisations, fostering interdependence and collective well-being. Research highlights the importance of local support systems in providing both emotional and practical assistance, demonstrating that individuals who are AWOC can thrive within well-developed social networks (Barker, 2002;[38] Deindl and Brandt, 2011).[39]
• Local community-based care models, such as volunteer-led initiatives and “Neighbourhood Help Schemes,” are seen as effective ways to mitigate social isolation and provide both practical and emotional support. Hoang et al. (2020) note that these models help with home visits, shopping, and companionship, contributing to an overall sense of well-being for older adults.[40] Scharlach et al. (2014) describe the “Village Model,” in a US context, a consumer-driven approach to ageing in place, where communities provide a framework of support for ageing adults. Villages are membership-driven, non-profit organisations that provide social, practical, and sometimes health-related support to older adults within a specific geographic area.[41] The primary goal is to enable older adults to remain in their own homes and communities rather than moving into institutional settings like care homes or assisted living (Greenfield and Mauldin, 2017).[42] Villages typically provide access to:

• Transportation services (for medical appointments, shopping, etc.)
• Home maintenance assistance (basic repairs, gardening, tech support)
• Social and recreational activities (exercise classes, book clubs, group outings)
• Community cohesion and belonging (peer-to-peer networks)
• Health and wellness support (volunteer caregiving, referrals to home care providers)
• Educational and cultural events (workshops, lectures, intergenerational programmes).

• Nonetheless, implementation is not without challenges related to scalability, particularly for economically disadvantaged individuals who are AWOC. Scharlach et al. (2014) note that although the “Village Model” is promising, as the number of older adults without children rises, this challenge becomes even more pressing, especially as economically marginalised groups struggle to access and benefit from community-based care.
• Versions of the “Village Model” exist in the UK, providing the support and access listed above to older adults, however these are primarily operated as for-profit organisations. This includes the Audley Villages group, a network of 21 luxury retirement sites with care and lifestyle services in partnership with the care sector.[43]

Coping Strategies and Independence

• Individuals who are AWOC often place a high priority on maintaining independence, and many make deliberate lifestyle choices to ensure self-sufficiency. These strategies include saving for retirement, investing in private care services, and securing health insurance. This proactive approach enables them to design later-life experiences that align with their personal aspirations and values.
• Johnson (2007) argues that many opt for private care services as a way of circumventing gaps in public services and to avoid reliance on informal caregiving arrangements, which can also be financially burdensome.[44]
• Informal networks, such as friends and neighbours provide crucial emotional and practical assistance. Studies by Allen and Wiles (2013) and Chen et al. (2020) highlight the dual nature of these networks—providing significant support while simultaneously being insecure due to the declining health of ageing peers.[45]^,[46] Abramowska-Kmon et al. (2021) extend this argument, noting that while adults without children frequently engage in community activities, volunteering, and reciprocal support arrangements, their ability to do so is contingent upon personal mobility, physical capacity, and the availability of transport.[47] Maintaining an independent lifestyle is complex as age-related health issues emerge, but innovative solutions such as localised social networks, shared transport services, and digital communities provide alternative means for continued participation and connection.
• Furthermore, the notion of “ageing in place” has gained attention as a desirable strategy for those AWOC, allowing them to remain in their homes with the support of their extended social networks. Ageing in place allows individuals to retain their identity and routines, which can be protective against cognitive decline and loneliness (Portacolone et al., 2022).[48] Additionally, many prefer home modifications, assistive technologies, and home-based care services over institutional options to retain control over their lives (Carney et al., 2019).[49] Křenková (2014) asserts that the ability to choose between ageing in place and institutionalisation is influenced by geographical location. Rural barriers can be mitigated through the improvement of transport and digital services mentioned above.[50]

Psychological Well-being and Social Networks

• Contrary to common misconceptions, older adults without children experience comparable levels of psychological well-being to those with children, particularly when they actively cultivate strong social networks (Margolis and Verdery, 2017[51]; Vikstrom et al., 2018).[52] The diversity and flexibility of these networks allow for meaningful social interactions that enhance quality of life and personal fulfilment.
• Voluntarily being without children is associated with a sense of autonomy and life satisfaction, as individuals make deliberate choices regarding their lifestyles, careers, and relationships (Allen and Wiles, 2013;[53] Dykstra and Hagestad, 2007).[54] These individuals typically engage in proactive planning for old age, developing strong social lives and financial security that can be a buffer against later-life disadvantages. Involuntarily being without children, particularly among those who had hoped for children but were unable to have them due to infertility, life circumstances, or partnership status, can be linked to higher levels of grief, regret, and loneliness (Hadley, 2019; [55] Margolis and Verdery, 2017).[56] Despite this, involuntarily AWOC individuals frequently find purpose and support through community engagement, mentoring, and chosen families (see below) (Bures, 2016).[57] These diverse approaches highlight the adaptability of older adults without children in shaping structures that best suit their needs.
• Societal attitudes toward older adults without children may exacerbate these differences. Research by Hadley (2019) suggests that men who are involuntarily without children, in particular, experience feelings of marginalisation, as traditional social expectations often tie masculinity to fatherhood. Similarly, older women who had anticipated motherhood but were unable to conceive may experience lingering emotional distress, especially in cultures where parenthood is strongly linked to social identity and status (Beaujouan and Berghammer, 2019).[58] This emotional distress may contribute to higher incidences of depressive symptoms among AWOC individuals compared to those who remained child-free by choice (Vikstrom et al., 2018). This suggests that the context of older adults without children—whether voluntary or involuntary—can have a significant impact on psychological well-being.
• Research also underscores the cultural variability in how older adults without children construct and maintain social networks. Older adults without children may find it easier to develop social bonds through local organisations, religious institutions, or volunteering initiatives (Mair, 2019).[59] Song (2015) discusses how in individualistic societies, friends and non-kin relations can substitute for family support, while in collectivist societies, building these non-familial networks may be more challenging.[60] In Song (2015), the discussion of individualistic societies typically refers to cultures where personal autonomy, self-reliance, and independence are highly valued. In contrast to collectivist societies, where family and community obligations play a central role in an individual’s life. Key characteristics of individualistic societies, they argue, are:

1. Weaker Family Ties – Individuals are less dependent on extended family support, and intergenerational caregiving is less of a cultural norm.
2. Self-Sufficiency – People are expected to take care of themselves rather than rely on close kin for support in old age.
3. Institutional Support for Ageing – Older adults without children may rely more on state-provided care or social services rather than familial support.
4. Mobility and Independence – There is a greater emphasis on personal choice in where and how individuals live, often leading to physical separation from family members.

• These characteristics have significant implications for ageing populations, especially for older adults without children or those who are geographically separated from their children due to migration trends. However, they also state that urbanisation and the transient nature of modern life complicate the assumption that individualistic cultures are always better at fostering strong social connections.[61]

Active Investment in Friendships

• Adults without children need to actively invest in friendships and community involvement to ensure their psychological well-being in old age (Greenberg, 2013).[62] This aligns with broader research showing that social capital—built through friendships and communal participation—is a key determinant of well-being in later life (Penning et al., 2022;[63] Mair, 2019).[64] Unlike individuals with children, who often rely on family support, people who are AWOC proactively maintain and nurture their social networks to prevent loneliness and ensure reciprocal caregiving arrangements (Dykstra and Keizer 2009).[65]
• The concept of ‘chosen families’ has been highlighted as a significant coping strategy among those without children (Allen and Wiles, 2013).[66] These chosen families, consisting of close friends and extended social ties, provide emotional, social, psychological and practical support, often acting as surrogate family units (Barker, 2002; Krenkova, 2014). Studies suggest that actively engaging in friendships leads to increased social cohesion and a greater sense of belonging, reinforcing the idea that meaningful relationships can be built at any stage of life (Teerawichitchainan et al., 2019).[67]
• While non-kin networks may differ in structure from familial relationships, they offer unique advantages, including greater autonomy, reciprocal support based on shared values, and a focus on emotional enrichment rather than obligation (Deindl and Brandt, 2011;[68] Quashie et al., 2020).[69] In many cases, adults without children develop lifelong friendships that provide the same security and companionship traditionally associated with family ties.
• It is key to note that Deindl and Brandt (2011) found practical caregiving tasks such as assistance with daily activities or financial aid are less frequently provided by non-kin networks. This suggests that friendships can mitigate loneliness but may not always serve as a complete substitute for practical support (Quashie et al., 2020).

Combatting Social Isolation and Loneliness

• Social isolation and loneliness are critical risks for people who are AWOC, with implications for mental health, including depression and anxiety (Chang et al., 2019).[70] However, Quashie et al. (2020) argue that the experience of loneliness varies greatly, depending on factors such as personal resilience, prior social engagement, and access to support. Some individuals who are AWOC develop extensive social networks, fostering deep and meaningful friendships that serve as strong protective factors against isolation. Others, particularly those living in rural or under-resourced areas, may face greater challenges in maintaining consistent social interactions.
• Several interventions, including befriending schemes, peer support networks, and age-friendly communities, have been developed to address these issues (Doran et al., 2018).[71] These programmes are especially vital in addressing isolation among older adults, who may be in regions with limited family support. Structured social engagement through community groups, shared housing initiatives, and volunteering has been found to enhance well-being and provide a sense of belonging (Lehning et al., 2017).[72] Additionally, individuals who are AWOC and who participate in cultural and intergenerational programmes benefit from increased social interactions and emotional connections, which help sustain long-term well-being (Quashie et al., 2020).
• Doran et al. (2018) note that the implementation of such programmes is often hindered by inconsistent funding and regional disparities, raising concerns about the sustainability and reach of these interventions. While some areas have well-funded community initiatives, others struggle with resource allocation, leaving many of those who are AWOC without access to essential social support networks. A more integrated policy approach is necessary to ensure that age-friendly initiatives are universally available and adequately resourced.
• Technology plays an increasingly vital role in maintaining connections, offering opportunities for older adults without children to participate in virtual communities, reconnect with distant friends, and explore new social circles (Lehning et al., 2017). Digital platforms, including online support groups, video calls, and virtual interest-based communities, allow individuals who are AWOC to cultivate friendships regardless of geographical constraints. Ensuring accessibility to digital resources further empowers older adults to remain engaged and socially connected (Bohme et al., 2020).[73] However, Bohme et al. (2020) also highlight the digital divide, noting that older adults may face barriers such as lack of internet access, digital literacy challenges, and affordability concerns. Addressing these barriers through digital education initiatives and subsidised access to technology could further enhance social inclusion for older adults without children.
• Despite the challenges associated with social isolation, individuals who are AWOC demonstrate remarkable agency in creating and maintaining fulfilling social lives. By actively participating in community initiatives, embracing technology, and forming strong social networks, they can mitigate loneliness and ensure meaningful, long-lasting connections well into older age.

Policy and Legal Frameworks

• • Several national and international policy frameworks aim to address the unique needs of older adults without children. The Social Services and Well-being (Wales) Act 2014 and the Care Act 2014 place significant emphasis on person-centred care and safeguarding for vulnerable populations. This ensures older adults, regardless of parental status, can access services that meet their individual needs. The Acts encourage integrated care between social services and healthcare, which benefits individuals who are AWOC by providing access to the necessary resources for ageing independently (Welsh Government, 2014;[74] UK Government, 2014).[75] However, these policies have been criticised for assuming the presence of family support systems, which often fail to address the unique circumstances of those who are AWOC (National Care Forum, 2021).[76]
  • International frameworks such as the Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing (2002) and the United Nations Decade of Healthy Ageing (2021-2030) advocate for inclusive policies that consider this specific demographic (United Nations, 2002;[77] WHO, 2021).[78] Although they do not focus exclusively on older adults without children, they offer comprehensive strategies for addressing the broader challenges of ageing, including social inclusion, access to care, and support for those without family support systems. For instance, the Madrid Plan stresses the importance of intergenerational solidarity by developing and encouraging engagement in accessible social and physical spaces, community and cultural activities, and services (United Nations, 2002). The Decade builds on the work of the Madrid Plan and focuses on improving the lives of older adults over a 10-year period. Initiatives include the promotion of age-friendly environments, improvements in public spaces, transport, housing and digital infrastructure, the development of affordable, universal health care coverage and long-term services, as well as tackling poverty, economic inequality and financial illiteracy.
  • Despite the existence of these policies, criticism persists regarding the lack of enforceable mechanisms that ensure the provision of concrete support. Albertini and Mencarini (2019) argue that while international policy frameworks outline broad recommendations, they lack the legislative backing needed to ensure real-world changes.[79] Furthermore, the Equality Act 2010 and the Public Sector Equality Duty mandate non-discriminatory access to services for older adults but remain reactive rather than proactive in addressing the specific needs of those who are AWOC (Welsh Government, 2010).[80]

Sustainable Development and Equality

• Older adults without children face several challenges related to economic and social inequalities that intersect with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). These include issues related to poverty reduction (SDG 1), health and well-being (SDG 3), and reducing inequalities (SDG 10) (United Nations, 2015).[81] Studies indicate that people who are AWOC are at greater risk of financial insecurity as they age, largely due to the absence of familial financial assistance (ONS, 2020). Beaujouan and Berghammer (2019) highlight the disparity in pension systems, which often indirectly favour individuals with children, exacerbating the financial challenges faced by older adults without children.[82] Below is a summary of the three most pertinent SDGs for this group:

Poverty Reduction (SDG 1):

• Studies such as those by the ONS (2020) have highlighted that older adults without children can face barriers to achieving financial independence, as they do not benefit from the informal financial support that children often provide.[83] For example, children often contribute to their parents’ well-being, financially or through caregiving support, reducing their parents’ reliance on public assistance or pensions. Some individuals who are AWOC and therefore lacking these informal systems, can therefore be more vulnerable to poverty, especially if they are unable to build sufficient savings or access adequate retirement resources.

Opportunities for Economic Security:

• Older adults without children can embrace financial independence by engaging in flexible retirement strategies, including continued part-time work, passive income streams, and community-supported living arrangements.
• Programmes that encourage financial literacy and wealth-building (such as employer-sponsored retirement plans and investment education) can empower those who are AWOC to secure their financial future.

Co-Housing and Shared Living Models:

• Innovative housing solutions, such as co-housing, intergenerational living, and senior cooperatives, provide older adults without children with cost-effective alternatives to traditional care models.
• These arrangements not only reduce living expenses but also foster strong social networks, which enhance well-being and security.

Policy Advocacy for Stronger Social Protection Systems:

• Many governments and organisations recognise the need to strengthen pension systems and expand social security benefits, ensuring that those who are AWOC have robust financial support.
• By advocating for universal pension schemes, housing affordability programmes, and age-friendly employment policies, older adults without children can actively contribute to shaping a more inclusive economy.

Health and Well-being (SDG 3):

• In terms of healthcare, individuals who are AWOC are also at greater risk of physical and mental health issues as they age. The potential lack of family members to act as informal caregivers or advocates in healthcare settings can make it harder to navigate the complexities of medical treatment, chronic conditions, and long-term care.

Proactive Health Management:

• With an increasing focus on preventative healthcare, wellness programmes, and telemedicine, older adults without children have access to cutting-edge medical advancements and digital health solutions that promote longevity and independence.
• Many people who are AWOC proactively engage in fitness, mental wellness practices, and nutritional planning, leading to healthier ageing outcomes.

Strong Social and Peer Support Networks:

• Instead of relying on traditional family structures, older adults without children are pioneering alternative support systems, including friendship-based caregiving networks, community health programmes and mutual aid groups.
• Initiatives like “intentional communities” and senior social clubs offer emotional, social, and practical support, reducing isolation and enhancing overall well-being.

Advocacy and Self-Advancement in Healthcare:

• People who are AWOC are leading the growth in self-advocacy within healthcare systems, ensuring that policies and services are inclusive and tailored to diverse ageing experiences.
• Many actively participate in patient advisory boards, ageing councils, and advocacy organisations, shaping the future of healthcare to be more responsive and age friendly.

Reducing Inequalities (SDG 10):

• Older adults without children may face social inequalities, especially when it comes to accessing social services and public benefits. As Beaujouan and Berghammer (2019) point out, pension systems often indirectly benefit individuals who have children, as they can rely on intergenerational wealth transfer, caregiving, and other informal support systems. Older adults without children typically are unable to utilise these forms of support, making them more vulnerable to financial instability and social exclusion in older age. Efforts to reduce these inequalities must prioritise those who are AWOC in policies related to income security, healthcare, and social inclusion.
• This includes improving social safety nets, enhancing age-friendly housing, and ensuring that public services are accessible and equitable for all older adults, regardless of their familial status. Furthermore, integrating AWOC considerations into the SDGs can help mainstream their issues into the broader sustainability and equality framework, ensuring that no older adult is left behind.

Financial and Legal Planning

• In contrast to some studies (above) which explore how AWOC individuals are more vulnerable to poverty as they can lack informal care systems, greater financial stability as a result of not having the financial commitment of having children is also explored. Research indicates that some older adults without children often have higher disposable incomes and more opportunities to save for retirement, as they are not responsible for the costs associated with raising children (ONS, 2020; Beaujouan and Berghammer, 2019). Without these financial commitments of education, childcare, and intergenerational financial support, individuals can direct more resources toward long-term investments, homeownership, travel, and personal enrichment.
• Those who are AWOC can also be more financially independent in later life, as a result of having fewer obligations to provide economic support to younger generations (Margolis and Verdery, 2017). This financial freedom allows for greater flexibility in retirement planning, enabling older adults without children to access premium healthcare, secure comfortable living arrangements, and invest in personal interests and well-being (Ivanova and Dykstra, 2019).[84]
• Additionally, research suggests that people who are AWOC are more likely to engage in strategic financial planning, including securing private pensions, investing in long-term care insurance, and prioritising estate management (Forman et al., 2020).[85] The ability to make financial decisions without familial pressures often results in more intentional spending and wealth accumulation, ensuring a higher quality of life in old age (Tolkamp and Schult, 2019).[86]
• While financial benefits are evident, it is also essential to consider individual circumstances. Some individuals who are AWOC may lack informal financial assistance from family members later in life, making proactive planning crucial. The absence of a next-of-kin often necessitates early decision-making regarding long-term care, power of attorney, appropriate healthcare, and estate management for when one can no longer make those decisions independently (Forman et al., 2020).[87] However, access to professional financial advice and legal services is often limited by socioeconomic status (Ivanova and Dykstra, 2019).[88] Nevertheless, with the right financial strategies and access to professional financial advice, older adults without children can maximise their economic security and maintain a fulfilling and independent lifestyle (Johnson, 2007).[89] Policymakers should explore ways to provide targeted financial support and pension schemes that ensure all who are AWOC, regardless of finances, can retire with adequate resources and independence.

Ageism and Human Rights

• Ageism is a pervasive issue, with older adults without children being particularly vulnerable to discrimination in healthcare, housing, and social services (National Care Forum, 2021). While the Equality Act 2010 and the Public Sector Equality Duty mandate the protection of older individuals’ rights, Abramowska-Kmon and Timoszuk (2021) argue that these legal frameworks tend to be reactive rather than proactive in addressing the unique challenges faced by those who are AWOC.[90] Addressing the gaps in policy and expanding workforce training are crucial to ensuring individuals receive equitable support and recognition within care systems.

Discrimination in Healthcare and Housing:

• Older adults without children may experience discrimination or neglect in healthcare settings, especially if they have no children to advocate for their needs. Without family members acting as advocates, they may find it more difficult to navigate complex medical systems or ensure that they receive the appropriate level of care. This can be further compounded by ageism, where healthcare providers may underestimate the needs or capabilities of older patients, leading to delayed or inadequate treatment (National Care Forum, 2021).[91]
• Similarly, people who are AWOC may face age-based discrimination in housing markets, where they may be treated as a “burden” or overlooked due to their older age and lack of family support. Housing policies must recognise the challenges faced by those without children, providing solutions that enable them to age in place or access affordable, supportive housing options.

Legal Protections and Rights:

• Although legal frameworks such as the Equality Act 2010 and the Public Sector Equality Duty in the UK mandate protection for older adults, Abramowska-Kmon and Timoszuk (2021) argue that while laws may protect older adults without children after they experience discrimination, they do not necessarily address the systemic barriers or prejudices that lead to marginalisation in the first place.[92]
• Furthermore, there is a need for greater policy awareness and workforce training. This could include targeted training for healthcare professionals, caregivers, and social workers on the unique vulnerabilities of those who are AWOC, as well as more comprehensive human rights education within responsive care systems. Additionally, creating advocacy programmes that assist older adults without children in navigating legal processes and accessing social services would go a long way toward ensuring that they are included.

Care

Policy and Social Care Needs

• As the population of older adults without children continues to grow, it will be increasingly important for policymakers to ensure formal care services are adequately funded and available.
• Community-based programmes and social care advocacy will need to focus on accommodating diverse family structures and providing support for those without children.
• Albertini and Kohli (2004) utilise SHARE data to challenge a perception that older adults without children are primarily recipients of care and social support, highlighting instead their contributions to family, friends, and society.[93] The SHARE data shows that older adults without children contribute socially though participating in charitable giving, volunteer work and their communities, combatting isolation, and have social connections beyond immediate family members. The study shows how these individuals also financially support themselves, other relatives, friends and non-relatives instead of their own children. The data does however highlight a potential negative that older adults without children lack intergenerational ties especially with younger generations. The study demonstrated that connections with nieces or nephews does not fully replace the connection that parents have, but this is compensated through social engagement outside of family, such as with volunteering. The study also found that support networks differ from those of parents, and their ability to access care in later life remains a concern.[94]
• Another study by Wenger (2009) utilised data from the Bangor Longitudinal Study of Ageing (1979-99), to explore the implications of being an older adult without children among people aged 85 years or more living in rural Wales. The study found that regardless of the higher value this group place on independence, unless they die suddenly or after a short acute illness, almost all of them enter residential care or a long-stay hospital at the end of their lives.[95]
• Similarly, a public policy and ageing report produced by Ivanova and Dykstra (2015) focuses on how ageing populations in Western countries are experiencing demographic shifts, notably an increase in AWOC individuals. They found that this has significant implications for social support systems, caregiving, and policy development, as traditional family structures evolve and the reliance on familial care diminishes. The article emphasises the need for policymakers to address these changes to ensure adequate support for AWOC individuals.[96]

Person-Centred Care

• Care models for older adults without children need to be person-centred, recognising the individuality of their experiences. This includes tailoring support to specific needs rather than assuming that any family members will provide assistance.
• Johnson (2006) examines the care arrangements for frail older adults without children and compares them to those with children.[97] Whilst this study is almost 20 years old, it provides useful context on care arrangements and found that unmarried frail older adults without children are about 31% less likely to receive unpaid help from family and friends compared to those with two or more adult children. Furthermore, the study found that older adults without children often rely on a single caregiver, typically a spouse or friend, leading to smaller support networks. The limited informal care options for these individuals highlight the need for expanded access to formal home care services to ensure they receive necessary community-based assistance.
• Person-centred care considers the individual needs of a person, taking into account their diverse needs and experiences. Lowers et al. (2024) explore the strategies and personal resources used by individuals ‘ageing solo’ with early dementia to manage current and future caregiving needs.[98] This concept of ‘ageing solo’ is broader than AWOC, encompassing those without close kin nearby and those whose commitment to independence outweighs conventional expectations of familial caregiving. These individuals were found to be more likely to advocate for themselves early, anticipating that ‘no one else will advocate for them’. This desire to maintain independence is prevalent even among those who have family members, such as children or siblings, who could potentially provide care in the future. The study found that interventions should focus on helping people who are ageing solo to plan for the future, leveraging their need for independence as motivation whilst preserving individuals’ sense of self through relationships.
• Ensuring dignity, respect, and self-determination is crucial in care services, as individuals who are AWOC who will not have children of their own to make decisions on their behalf. The services should aim to preserve the autonomy of older adults without children while meeting their physical, emotional, and social needs.

Innovative and Adaptive Care Approaches

• As the population of people who are AWOC continues to grow, innovative care approaches will be necessary to ensure that care systems are sustainable, high-quality, and tailored to this demographic.
• New technologies, therapeutic interventions, and adaptive care models will play an important role in addressing the needs of older adults without children, especially as the traditional family-based support model becomes less prevalent.
• Abramowska-Kmon et al. (2023) investigate the coping mechanisms employed by older people without children in Poland to address challenges associated with AWOC.[99] The study found that in order to combat feelings of loneliness and lack of practical support, participants employ several strategies personal to the individual. These include the promotion of healthy ageing, expansion of social networks and aligning actions with personal predispositions. The study recognises that employing these coping strategies can inform policy and interventions.
• Barker (2002) highlights the importance of non-kin caregiving in sustaining independence, which were categorised into four ‘styles’: casual, bounded, committed and incorporative. The challenges of non-kin caregiving included setting boundaries and emotional attachments, whilst rewards included fulfilment and companionship.[100] In this study, these caregiving relationships varied in how they began, the tasks performed, and their duration (ranging from 1 month to 57 years), and nearly half of caregivers (47%) were themselves aged 65 and above.
• Also using SHARE data, Börsch-Supan and Scherpenzeel (2021) explore intergenerational caregiving that can inform approaches applicable to people who are AWOC.[101] The study found that intergenerational caregiving is influenced by children’s work and family commitments, that strong public care systems for older people have less reliance on family caregiving, that some countries have legal obligations requiring children to support parents, and some countries are governed by cultural norms and expectations. This is seen in Southern Europe where caregiving is perceived as a moral duty compared to Northern Europe where it is seen as personal choice supported by care services. Through balancing formal care services with family support systems, considering cultural expectations and legal frameworks and expanding accessible and affordable care services in countries where family caregiving is heavily relied upon may help reduce the burden on children, particularly women. This in turn would assist in supporting people who are AWOC.

Alternative Care Models

• Exploring alternative care models such as Shared Lives schemes and community-based ageing-in-place models like the ‘Village’ model offers promising solutions that could be integrated into ageing policies in Wales and across the UK. These initiatives create informal networks where older adults can live independently while still receiving support from community members.
• The ‘Village’ model, as explored by McDonough and Davitt (2011), Scharlach et al. (2012) and Lehning et al. (2017), is a community-based approach designed to support ageing in place that provides practical services like transportation, household chores, and home maintenance, along with opportunities for participation in governance, ensuring that members retain decision-making power over their care.[102]^,[103],[104]
• This model has been trialled in Manchester and is the focus of an ageing in place participatory action research study by Doran et al. (2024) to co-create and test projects aimed at reducing social isolation and promoting ageing in place.[105] Best practice found that involving older residents in the design and implementation of support structures that are tailored to the specific needs and preferences of the community contributes to more resilient and supportive urban environments for ageing populations.
• Similar to the Village model, the ElderSpirit Community in the United States as explored by Glass (2009) is a resident-managed cohousing initiative for older adults focusing on both mutual support and affordable housing.[106] The study found that the residents were more likely to be without children and/or divorced or never married. This is another example where environments of mutual aid and shared responsibility offer people who are AWOC opportunities to maintain independence while receiving necessary support.
• The NHS England Shared Lives Schemes match someone who needs care with an approved carer, who shares their family and community life, and gives care and support to the person with care needs. Some people move in with their Shared Lives carer, while others are regular daytime visitors. They provide an alternative to traditional kinds of care such as care homes.[107] This initiative is also available in Wales and is funded by the Welsh Government, supporting 1,200 people with a range of needs (including older adults without children) across eight different services.[108]
• Dorset-based PramaCare introduced charity-funded Red Bags in 2019 as a whole-system approach to improving the transition between inpatient hospital settings and the care home setting.[109] The Red Bag is a red holdall containing essential personal belongings, a sheet of personal information and medication to support an individual with a transition to hospital. This was developed to encourage people who are at risk to be more prepared for a hospital admission, and has been promoted in Wales by the Aneurin Bevan University Health Board[110] and Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board.[111]
• These models offer flexibility, inclusion, and empowerment for older adults without children, though challenges such as sustainability, affordability, and equity must be addressed.

Conclusions

1. 1. The existing literature on ageing without children (AWOC) predominantly emphasises its challenges, such as loneliness, social isolation, and declining health without informal family caregiving. However, there is a notable gap in the research exploring the direct benefits of AWOC, with most sources focusing on coping strategies rather than enhanced quality of life. More balanced studies are needed to highlight the strengths and opportunities associated with AWOC, including increased independence, financial security, and diverse social networks.
   2. A key compensatory mechanism for the absence of immediate family support is the investment in alternative social connections. Many people who are AWOC develop strong relationships with friends, neighbours, extended family, and community organisations. These networks provide emotional and practical support, demonstrating that older adults without children are not necessarily isolated but may instead be embedded in meaningful, non-familial relationships. However, the effectiveness of these networks varies depending on cultural context, with societies that prioritise family bonds presenting greater challenges for older adults without children in forming and maintaining friendships.
   3. Despite these realities, policy and legislation remain largely inadequate in addressing the specific needs of older adults without children. Current ageing policies tend to be broad and do not differentiate between those with and without family support structures. There is an urgent need for targeted interventions that promote alternative care models, financial planning for later life, and sustainable community support networks, such as Shared Lives schemes and Village models.
   4. Several trends in AWOC research require further attention. Many studies fail to distinguish between older adults who are voluntarily and involuntarily without children, despite evidence suggesting that this distinction significantly impacts well-being, social engagement, and identity formation. Additionally, research methodologies tend to rely on a limited set of tools, such as the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) and the Health and Retirement Study (HRS), alongside country-specific surveys like the Netherlands Kinship Panel Study and the Canadian General Social Survey. Internationally, studies are disproportionately concentrated in China, other parts of Asia, and Europe, often focusing on individuals aged 50+, highlighting the importance of context in shaping experiences of people who are AWOC. There remains a critical need for research that explores what works in different policy and cultural environments, moving beyond problem identification to evidence-based solutions.
   5. Several notable findings emerge from existing research:

• Gender differences: Research indicates that men without children, particularly those who are unpartnered, face greater disparities in well-being compared to both fathers and women without children. They report lower life satisfaction, reduced positive effects (e.g., feelings of happiness and fulfilment), and heightened negative effects (e.g., feelings of loneliness, sadness, and anxiety) (Hadley, 2019).[112] This disparity is often linked to the social expectation that men derive much of their social and emotional support from their partners and children rather than broader social networks (Penning et al., 2019).[113] The negative effects of being without children on men’s well-being primarily stem from a lack of built-in caregiving structures, limited emotional support, and weaker social networks in later life. Hadley (2019) highlights that men who are involuntarily without children, in particular, may struggle with a sense of social exclusion and regret, exacerbating their psychological distress. Furthermore, societal perceptions of masculinity may discourage men from actively seeking emotional support or forming alternative social networks (Dykstra and Keizer, 2009).[114] However, not all studies conclude that men without children experience universally worse outcomes. Kreyenfeld and Konietzka (2017) argue that the extent of negative impact depends on social integration, economic stability, and cultural factors.[115] In societies where alternative support networks are actively cultivated, such as through strong friendships or community involvement, men without children may experience little to no difference in life satisfaction compared to their counterparts with children (Quashie et al., 2020).[116]
• Partner status matters: Older adults without children in long-term relationships fare similarly to parents in terms of social and emotional well-being, whereas unpartnered older adults without children are at the greatest disadvantage, with limited support networks and higher risks of social isolation.
• Investment in friendships: In cultures with strong family norms, older adults without children may struggle to establish supportive friendships. Conversely, in societies that emphasise individualism and friendship-based networks, older adults without children find it easier to build meaningful social ties.

Recommendations

• To better support older adults without children, a multifaceted approach is required that combines policy development, targeted research, and community-driven initiatives. The following recommendations outline key actions for the Welsh Government, the UK Government, local authorities, the Older People’s Commissioner for Wales, researchers, and other stakeholders:

Policy Development and Legislative Action

• Develop AWOC-specific ageing policies: The UK and Welsh Governments should incorporate AWOC-specific considerations into national ageing strategies, and national equality action plans, ensuring that policies acknowledge the potential lack of familial support networks and address alternative care models for the diverse range of people older adults without children represent.
• Expand social care and community support funding: Increased investment in local authority-funded community-based support services, including befriending schemes, social care advocacy, and innovative care models such as Shared Lives and Village networks. The Welsh Government should commit to long-term funding to local authorities for age-friendly communities.
• Review and strengthen legal protections for people who are AWOC: This includes ensuring that older adults without children have clear pathways for legal decision-making regarding their care, financial matters, and end-of-life planning, particularly in cases where they lack close family members to act as advocates.

Public Awareness, Advocacy, and Cultural Change

• Engage employers in supporting AWOC employees: Many older workers without children continue working later in life but may require workplace policies that acknowledge their unique needs, such as flexible retirement planning and support for care responsibilities for friends or extended family.
• Campaign for broader recognition of AWOC in ageing policy discussions: Policymakers, researchers, and advocacy groups should ensure that AWOC considerations are included in national ageing strategies, health and social care policies, and pension reforms. Campaigns should highlight independence, resilience, and the value of alternative social networks rather than focusing solely on loneliness and isolation.

Expanding Research and Evidence-Based Interventions

• Limited existing data: Due to the lack of disaggregated data available for Wales specifically, the ability to determine the numbers of AWOC individuals by geographical spread and other demographics would be useful to further inform this research area.
• Further investigate effective interventions and best practices: Research that evaluates successful AWOC support initiatives in different cultural and policy contexts is needed. Future studies should focus on what works—assessing the effectiveness of alternative care models, community support systems, and financial planning strategies and highlighting the strengths and opportunities associated with AWOC.

Promoting Social and Community-Based Support Networks

• Encourage the development of alternative social support models: Strengthening informal support networks is crucial for people who are AWOC. Investment in community-led initiatives, such as befriending programmes, peer support groups, and volunteer opportunities, can help mitigate risks of isolation.
• Enhance housing and care options for individuals who are AWOC: Policies should encourage the development of age-friendly housing models, co-housing initiatives, and intergenerational living arrangements which could offer older adults without children more autonomy while maintaining social engagement.

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[1] Office for National Statistics. (2020). Living longer: implications of childlessness among tomorrow’s older population.

[2] Office for National Statistics. (2020). Living longer: implications of childlessness among tomorrow’s older population.

[3] Ibid.

[4] National Care Forum. (2021). Ageing without Children: a toolkit for organisations.

[5] Office for National Statistics. (2020). Living longer: implications of childlessness among tomorrow’s older population.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ageing Without Children. (2025). What Does ‘Ageing Without Children’ Mean?

[8] Kreyenfeld, M. and Konietzka, D. (2017). Childlessness in Europe: Contexts, Causes, and Consequences. pp. 3–57.

[9] Deindl, C. and Brandt, M. (2017). Support networks of childless older people: informal and formal support in Europe. Ageing and Society, 37(8), 1543–1567.

[10] Ibid.

[11] SHARE-ERIC. (2024). The Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe.

[12] Kreyenfeld, M. and Konietzka, D. (2017). Childlessness in Europe: Contexts, Causes, and Consequences. pp. 3–57.

[13] Kreyenfeld, M. and Konietzka, D. (2017). Childlessness in Europe: Contexts, Causes, and Consequences. pp. 3–57.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Office for National Statistics. (2020). Living longer: implications of childlessness among tomorrow’s older population.

[16] Office for National Statistics. (2025). Childbearing for women born in different years, England and Wales: 2023.

[17] Gregory, J. (2025, April 2). Women to continue having babies later in life, ONS projects. BBC News.

[18] Allen, R. and Wiles, J. (2013). How older people position their later-life childlessness: a qualitative study. Journal of Marriage and Family, 75(1), 206-220.

[19] Kreyenfeld, M. and Konietzka, D. (2017). Childlessness in Europe: Contexts, Causes, and Consequences. pp. 3–57.

[20] Kreyenfeld, M. and Konietzka, D. (2017). Childlessness in Europe: Contexts, Causes, and Consequences. pp. 3–57.

[21] Ibid.

[22] McDonough, K and Davitt, J. (2011). It takes a Village: community practice, social work, and aging-in-place. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 54(5), 528-541.

[23] Xu, X. et al. (2022) Defining Childlessness Among Middle-Aged and Older Americans: A Research Note. Demography, 59(3), 813-826.

[24] Allen, R. and Wiles, J. (2013). How older people position their later-life childlessness: a qualitative study. Journal of Marriage and Family, 75(1), 206-220.

[25] Kreyenfeld, M. and Konietzka, D. (2017). Childlessness in Europe: Contexts, Causes, and Consequences. pp. 3–57.

[26] Office for National Statistics. (2020). Living longer: implications of childlessness among tomorrow’s older population.

[27] Ibid.

[28] Penning, M. et al. (2022). Childlessness and social and emotional loneliness in middle and later life.

[29] Penning, M. et al. (2022). Childlessness and social and emotional loneliness in middle and later life.

[30] Beaujouan, E. and Berghammer, C. (2019). The Gap between Lifetime Fertility Intentions and Completed Fertility in Europe and the United States: A Cohort Approach.

[31] Gonen, T. et al (2024). The Way Older Childless Women Value Their Life—A Qualitative Study. Behav Sci (Basel), 14(5), 418.

[32] National Care Forum. (2021). Ageing without Children: a toolkit for organisations.

[33] Ibid.

[34] Ibid.

[35] Hadley, R. (2021). ‘It’s Most of My Life—Going to the Pub or the Group’: The Social Networks of Involuntarily Childless Older Men. Ageing Soc., 41, 51–76.

[36] Office for National Statistics. (2020). Living longer: implications of childlessness among tomorrow’s older population.

[37] McDonough, K. and Davitt, J. (2011). It takes a Village: community practice, social work, and aging-in-place. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 54(5), 528-541.

[38] Barker, R. (2002). Non-kin caregivers and community-based support structures. The Gerontologist, 42(1), 34-45.

[39] Deindl, C., and Brandt, M. (2011). Financial support and practical help between older parents and their middle-aged children in Europe. Ageing and Society, 31(4), 645-662.

[40] Hoang, Q. et al. (2020). Neighbourhood Help Schemes: Community-driven responses to ageing. Journal of Community Health, 45(2), 380-394.

[41] Scharlach, A. et al. (2014). The Village Model: A consumer-driven approach for aging in place. The Gerontologist, 54(6), 899-907.

[42] Greenfield, E. and Mauldin, R. (2017). Participation in community activities through Naturally Occurring Retirement Community (NORC) Supportive Service Programs. Ageing and Society, 37(10), 1987–2011.

[43] Audley Villages. (n.d.). How Retirement Villages Work.

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[45] Allen, R., and Wiles, J. (2013). The usefulness of neighbours: Social networks and social care in later life. Journal of Aging Studies, 27(4), 521-530.

[46] Chen, Y. et al. (2020). Loneliness and social isolation in older age: A systematic review. Ageing and Society, 40(2), 221-246.

[47] Abramowska-Kmon, A. and Timoszuk, S. (2021). Ageing without children: Social and policy implications. Journal of Ageing Studies, 50(2), 45-61.

[48] Portacolone, E. et al. (2022). Rethinking home care policies for older adults with cognitive impairment. The Milbank Quarterly, 100(3), 750-781.

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[54] Dykstra, P. and Hagestad, G. (2007). Roads less taken: Developing a nuanced view of older adults without children. Journal of Family Issues, 28(10), 1275-1310.

[55] Hadley, R. (2019). The experiences of involuntary childless older men: Social isolation and psychological distress. Ageing International, 44(3), 247-264.

[56] Margolis, R., and Verdery, A. (2017). Childlessness and social isolation in later life. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 114(39), 10169-10174.

[57] Bures, R. (2016). Childlessness and psychological well-being in midlife and old age. Journal of Family Issues, 37(8), 1095-1117.

[58] Beaujouan, E. and Berghammer, C. (2019). The gap in economic security: Pension systems and childless individuals. European Population Studies, 28(3), 255-273.

[59] Mair, C. (2019). Social connectedness and health outcomes among older adults: A cross-national analysis. Journals of Gerontology: Social Sciences, 74(7), 1189-1201.

[60] Song, L. (2015). The role of social networks in later-life well-being: Individualistic versus collectivist cultures. Journal of Aging and Social Policy, 27(3), 265-286.

[61] Ibid.

[62] Greenberg, S. (2013). Aging without children: Social and financial implications. Journal of Aging and Social Policy, 25(3), 295-311.

[63] Penning, M. et al. (2022). Childlessness and social and emotional loneliness in middle and later life. Ageing and Society, 1-28.

[64] Mair, C. (2019). Social connectedness and health outcomes among older adults: A cross-national analysis. Journals of Gerontology: Social Sciences, 74(7), 1189-1201

[65] Dykstra, P. and Keizer, R. (2009). The well-being of childless men and fathers in mid-life. Ageing and Society, 29(8), 1227–1242.

[66] Allen, R. and Wiles, J. (2013) How older people position their later-life childlessness: a qualitative study. Journal of Marriage and Family, 75(1), 206-220.

[67] Teerawichitchainan, B. et al. (2019). Productive aging in developing Southeast Asia: Comparative analyses between Myanmar, Vietnam, and Thailand. Social Science and Medicine, 229, 161–171.

[68] Deindl, C. and Brandt, M. (2017). Support networks of childless older people: informal and formal support in Europe. Ageing and Society, 37(8), 1543–1567.

[69] Quashie, N. et al. (2020). The experience of loneliness among older adults without children. Journal of Aging and Health, 32(5-6), 365-387.

[70] Chang, E. et al. (2019). Global perspectives on loneliness and social isolation. The Lancet, 394(10214), 934-935.

[71] Doran, T. et al. (2018). Interventions for loneliness in older adults: A systematic review. British Medical Journal Open, 8(3).

[72] Lehning, A. et al. (2017). Variations on the village model: A typology of a consumer-driven community-based initiative for older adults. The Gerontologist, 57(5), 901–910.

[73] Bohme, P. et al. (2020). Alone but better off? Adult child migration and health of elderly parents in Moldova. Ageing and Society, 40(2), 311-338.

[74] Welsh Government. (2014). Social Services and Well-being (Wales) Act 2014: The essentials.

[75] UK Government. (2014). Care Act 2014.

[76] National Care Forum. (2021). The impact of COVID-19 on adult social care: A national care forum report.

[77] United Nations. (2002). Political declaration and Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing.

[78] World Health Organization. (2021). Decade of healthy ageing: Baseline report.

[79] Albertini, M., and Mencarini, L. (2019). Childlessness and support networks in later life: New pressures on familialistic welfare states? Journal of Family Issues, 40(11), 1515–1537.

[80] Welsh Government. (2010). Equality Act 2010: Guidance for service providers.

[81] United Nations. (2015). Transforming our world: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

[82] Beaujouan, É., and Berghammer, C. (2019). The gap between lifetime fertility intentions and completed fertility in Europe and the United States: A cohort approach. Population Research and Policy Review, 38(4), 507–535.

[83] Office for National Statistics. (2020). Living longer: Impact of childlessness on the support networks of older people.

[84] Ivanova, K., and Dykstra, P. (2019). Aging without children: The role of personal networks in obtaining social support. The Journals of Gerontology: Series B, 74(3), 494–504.

[85] Forman, D. et al. (2020). PTCA in the elderly: The “young-old” versus the “old-old”. Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, 38(11), 1235–1240.

[86] Tolkamp, M., and Schilt, T. (2019). Financial literacy and retirement preparation in the Netherlands. Journal of Pension Economics and Finance, 18(3), 366–389.

[87] Forman, D. et al. (2020). PTCA in the elderly: The “young-old” versus the “old-old”. Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, 38(11), 1235–1240.

[88] Ivanova, K., and Dykstra, P. (2019). Aging without children: The role of personal networks in obtaining social support. The Journals of Gerontology: Series B, 74(3), 494–504.

[89] Johnson, P. (2007). Private care services: A viable option for ageing populations? Journal of Elderly Care Studies, 32(1), 87-105.

[90] Abramowska-Kmon, A. and Timoszuk, M. (2021). Ageism and the rights of older adults: Policy and social implications. Journal of Aging and Social Policy, 33(3), 253-269.

[91] National Care Forum. (2021). The impact of COVID-19 on adult social care: A national care forum report.

[92] Abramowska-Kmon, A. and Timoszuk, M. (2021). Ageism and the rights of older adults: Policy and social implications. Journal of Aging and Social Policy, 33(3), 253-269.

[93] Albertini, M. and Kohli, M. (2009). What childless older people give: is the generational link broken? Ageing and Society, 29(8), 1261–1274.

[94] Ibid.

[95] Wenger, G. (2009). Childlessness at the end of life: evidence from rural Wales. Ageing and Society, 29(8), 1243–1259.

[96] Ivanova, K. and Dykstra, P. (2015). Aging Without Children – Public Policy and Aging Report.

[97] Johnson, R. (2006). In-home care for frail childless adults.

[98] Lowers, J. et al. (2024). Proactive Care-Seeking Strategies Among Adults Aging Solo With Early Dementia: A Qualitative Study. The Journals of Gerontology: Series B, 79(5).

[99] Abramowska-Kmon, A. et al. (2023). Coping strategies for happy childless ageing: an explorative study in Poland, Genus, 79(2).

[100] Barker, J. (2002). Neighbors, Friends, and Other Nonkin Caregivers of Community-Living Dependent Elders. The Journals of Gerontology: Series B, 3(57), 158–167.

[101] Börsch-Supan, A. and Scherpenzeel, A. (2021). The Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe. In: Gu, D., Dupre, M.E. (eds) Encyclopedia of Gerontology and Population Aging. Springer, Cham.

[102] McDonough, K. and Davitt, J. (2011). It takes a Village: community practice, social work, and aging-in-place. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 54(5), 528-541.

[103] Scharlach, A. et al. (2012). The “Village” model: A consumer-driven approach for aging in place. The Gerontologist, 52(3), 418-427.

[104] Lehning, A. et al. (2017). Variations on the Village Model: An Emerging Typology of a Consumer-Driven Community-Based Initiative for Older Adults. Journal of Applied Gerontology, 36(2), 234-246.

[105] Doran, P. et al. (2024). Interventions to promote ageing in place: developing the Village model in Manchester. Quality in Ageing and Older Adults, 25(1), 56-67.

[106] Glass, A. (2009). Aging in a Community of Mutual Support: The Emergence of an Elder Intentional Cohousing Community in the United States. Journal of Housing For the Elderly, 23(4), 283–303.

[107] NHS England (2024). Shared Lives Schemes.

[108] Shared Lives Plus. (2022). The State of the nation: Shared Lives care in Wales.

[109] NHS England (2019). Introducing the Red Bag Scheme into North Dorset Care Homes.

[110] Aneurin Bevan University Health Board. (2023). Monmouthshire’s Got it in the Bag!

[111] Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. (2023). Vulnerable people to receive more personalised care through new pilot scheme.

[112] Hadley, R. (2019). “No longer invincible”: The impact of involuntary childlessness on older men. Journal of Men’s Studies, 29(2), 197–215.

[113] Penning, M. et al. (2022). Childlessness and social and emotional loneliness in middle and later life.

[114] Dykstra, P. and Keizer, R. (2009). The well-being of childless men and fathers in mid-life. Ageing and Society, 29(8), 1227–1242.

[115] Kreyenfeld, M., and Konietzka, D. (2017). Childlessness in Europe: Contexts, causes, and consequences.

[116] Quashie, N. et al. (2020). The experience of loneliness among older adults without children. Journal of Aging and Health, 32(5-6), 365-387.